Acts 14:1. ἐν Ἰκονίῳ (Konia), sometimes regarded as a Roman colony towards the end of the reign of Claudius, thus dignified on account of the title conferred upon the frontier town, Claudio—Derbe. But Hadrian, not Claudius, constituted it a colony. In Acts 14:6 the Apostles flee from Iconium to the cities of Lycaonia, Lystra and Derbe, and the inference from this statement is that Iconium was not itself Lycaonian. But this inference justifies the local accuracy of the historian, as it would appear that the people of Iconium regarded themselves as Phrygian even after Iconium had been united with Lycaonia in one district of Roman administration: cf. Ramsay, Church in the Roman Empire, p. 37 ff., and the testimony of the Christian Hierax, 163 A.D., before his Roman judge: “I have come hither (i.e., as a slave), torn away from Iconium of Phrygia”: on the road travelled by the Apostles see also Ramsay, u. s., p. 27 ff. Strictly speaking, Lystra and Derbe were cities of Lycaonia-Galatica, while Iconium reckoned itself as a city of Phrygia-Galatica, all three being comprised within the Roman province of Galatia. See also Rendall, Acts, p. 262. On the place and its importance, situated with a busy trade on the principal lines of communication through Asia Minor, see C. and H., smaller edition, p. 145, B.D.2. Iconium is the scene of the famous Acts of Paul and Thekla, forming a part of the Acts of Paul, C. Schmidt’s translation of which we must await with interest. See Harnack, Chronol., i., p. 493, Wendt (1899), p. 42, Ramsay, Church in the Roman Empire, p. 375, and “Iconium,” Hastings’ B.D.—κατὰ τὸ αὐτὸ, “together,” so R. and A.V., cf. LXX, 1 Samuel 11:11, or it may mean “at the same time”. Blass however (so Ramsay, Weiss, Rendall) renders “after the same fashion,” i.e., as at Antioch. But for this meaning cf. Acts 17:2, where a different phrase is used.—Ἑλλήνων: on the whole best taken as referring to the σεβ. or φοβ. τὸν Θεόν, because in Acts 14:2 we have ἔθνη, which would signify the Gentiles generally, as opposed to those devout persons who as proselytes had joined the Jewish synagogue.

Acts 14:2. ἀπειθοῦντες, see critical notes. If we read ἀπειθήσαντες, “that were disobedient,” R.V., but cf. John 3:36, and Page’s note in loco. Lumby quotes Bar 1:19, and regards the expression here as stronger than “unbelieving,” rather unbelief breaking forth into rebellion, as in the case of these Jews at Iconium and elsewhere. Ramsay renders “the disaffected”.—ἐκάκωσαν: “exasperated,” Ramsay; only here in N.T. in this sense, five times in Acts, once in quotation; only once elsewhere in N.T., 1 Peter 3:13, cf. for its use here Jos., Ant., xvi., 1, 2; vii., 3; viii., 6. It is used several times in LXX, but not in this sense, the nearest approach to it is Psalms 105 :(LXX)32. The same phrase occurs twice, Numbers 29:7; Numbers 30:14, but with a different meaning or reading in D. See critical notes.

Acts 14:3. ἱκανὸν μὲν οὖν χ. οὖν: as a result from the two previous verses, the accession to their numbers and the disaffection. Blass sees in the aorists ἐπήγ. and ἐκάκ. a proof that the disaffected Jews succeeded in their attempts, and he asks if this was so, how were the Apostles able to remain? The answer is to be found, he thinks, in , see above, so Hilgenfeld, who holds that this reading makes it conceivable how Paul and Barnabas could continue their work. On ἱκανός with χρόνος, peculiar to St. Luke, see p. 215. Ramsay sees the same force in the aorists, and therefore Acts 14:3 seems so disconnected that he can only regard it as an early gloss similar to many which have crept into the Bezan text. He thus inclines to adopt here Spitta’s hypothesis, and to regard Acts 14:1-2; Acts 14:4-7 as a primitive document. The Bezan text is to him simply an attempt to remedy the discrepancy which was felt to exist between Acts 14:2-3, and it presupposes two tumults: one in Acts 14:2, and the other in Acts 14:4-5. But there seems nothing unnatural in taking οὖν as marking a result from the events of the two previous verses, not from the second alone, or in the extended stay of the Apostles in the divided city. (Wendt (1899) supposes that in the original source Acts 14:3 preceded Acts 14:2, which makes the sequence quite easy. Clemen is much more drastic in his methods, and refers Acts 14:2 and Acts 14:4-6 a to his Redactor Antijudaicus.)—παῤῥησ.: speaking boldly in spite of the opposition of the Jews, see above on the verb, p. 242.—ἐπὶ, cf. Acts 4:17-18 (elsewhere with ἐν), the Lord being the ground and support of their preaching; Calvin notes that the words may mean that they spoke boldly in the cause of the Lord, or that relying on His grace they took courage, but that both meanings really run into each other.—τῷ Κυρίῳ: difficult to decide whether the reference is to Jesus; Nösgen takes it so, not only on account of St. Luke’s usual way of giving Him this title, but also because the Acts speak expressly of the miracles of the Apostles as works of Christ, Acts 3:16, cf. Acts 4:30. On the other hand Meyer-Wendt appeals to Acts 4:29. Acts 20:24; Acts 20:32 (but for last passage see var. lect.), Hebrews 2:4.

Acts 14:4. ἐσχίσθη δὲ, better “and the multitude” (see Page’s note on Acts 14:3), cf. Acts 23:7, John 7:43. There is no such marked success in Acts 14:3 as in Ramsay’s view. In Thessalonica, Acts 17:4-5, a similar division, cf. Luke 12:51.—ἀποστόλοις: the note of Weiss here takes the word, not in its technical sense at all, but only as missionaries; but see above on Acts 13:1.

Acts 14:5. The real contrast is marked in this verse, ὡς δὲ ἐγέν. Hitherto the evil results indicated in Acts 14:2 had not resulted in an open combination of Jews and Gentiles to injure Paul and Barnabas, but now the Jews and their rulers were prepared to act in concert with the Gentiles, so that the opposition assumed a public shape, and a definite accusation of blasphemy could be formulated against the Apostles.—ὁρμὴ, “onset,” R.V.; “assault,” A.V., but neither word seems appropriate, since neither onset nor assault actually occurred. It seems therefore better to take the word as expressing the inclination, or hostile intention, or instigation, and to connect it with the infinitives. In classical Greek the word is used of eagerness (joined with ἐπιθυμία), of impulse, of eager desire of, or for, a thing, cf. Thuc. iv. 4, Plat., Phil., 35 D, although it is also used of an assault or attack. The only other place in the N.T. in which it occurs is Jam 3:4 (R.V. renders “impulse”). Hesychius regards it as equivalent to βουλή, ἐπιθυμία but see also for its use as expressing attack, violence, 3Ma 1:16; 3Ma 1:23; 3Ma 4:5.—σὺν τοῖς ἄρχουσιν αὐτῶν, i.e., of the Jewish synagogues, as αὐτῶν shows. Hackett and Lumby take it of the heathen magistrates. On the distinction between these and the ἀρχισυνάγωγος, see Schürer, div. ii., vol. ii., pp. 64, 250, E.T. The magistrates of the city could not have participated in an act of mob-violence, and the plot to stone the Apostles seems to point to Jewish instigation for enforcing the punishment of blasphemy.—ὑβρίσαι, “to entreat them shamefully,” so A. and R.V., indicating outrage, insolence in act, cf. Matthew 22:6, Luke 18:32, 2Ma 14:42, 3Ma 6:9; in Luke 11:45 of insulting words. St. Paul uses the same word of treatment at Philippi, 1 Thessalonians 2:2, and he describes his own conduct towards the Christians by the cognate noun ὑβριστής, 1 Timothy 1:13.

Acts 14:6. συνιδόντες, cf. Acts 12:12, Acts 5:2, only in Luke and Paul, 1 Corinthians 4:4; 1Ma 4:21; 2Ma 4:41; 2Ma 14:26; 2Ma 14:30; 3Ma 5:50.—κατέφυγον, cf. Matthew 10:23 : “We ought not to run into danger, but to flee from it if needful, like these leaders of the Church wishing to extend their preaching, and to multiply by persecution” Oecumenius; only elsewhere in N.T., Hebrews 6:18; see Westcott, l.c., cf. Deuteronomy 4:42, Numbers 35:26; 1Ma 5:11, etc. So in classical Greek with εἰς, ἐπί, πρός.—εἰς τὰς πόλεις τῆς Λ. Λύστραν καὶ Δέρβην, καὶ τὴν περίχωρον: in these words Ramsay sees a notable indication of St. Luke’s habit of defining each new sphere of work according to the existing political divisions of the Roman Empire: “Lystra and Derbe and the surrounding Region”; in going from Antioch to Iconium the travellers entered no new Region (χώρα), but in Acts 14:6 another Region is referred to, comprising part of Lycaonia, consisting of two cities and a stretch of cityless territory; and if this is so, we see also in the words an indication of St. Paul’s constant aim in his missionary efforts, viz., the Roman world and its centres of life and commerce; when he reached the limit of Roman territory (Derbe) he retraced his steps. The position of Lystra, about six hours south-south-west from Iconium, near the village Khatyn Serai, is now considered as established by Professor Sterrett’s evidence based on an inscription; and from similar evidence of inscriptions it appears that Lystra had been a Roman colonia since Augustus, Ramsay, Church in the Roman Empire, p. 47 ff., and Wendt (1899), p. 248; O. Holtzmann, Neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte, p. 102. The site of Derbe cannot be quite so satisfactorily determined, but probably near the village Losta or Zosta; about three miles north-west of this place, a large mound, by name Gudelissin, is marked by evident traces of the remains of a city, “Derbe,” Hastings’ B.D.; Ramsay, Church in the Roman Empire, p. 54 ff., and Wendt (1899), p. 249. From 41–72 A.D. Derbe was the frontier city of the Roman province on the south-east. But if St. Paul thus found in Lystra and Derbe centres of Roman commercial life, we must modify our view of the wild and uncivilised nature of the region into which the Apostles penetrated after leaving Antioch and Iconium, cf. C. and H., p. 147, with Ramsay, Church in the Roman Empire, pp. 56, 57. If Paul had gone to the ruder parts of Lycaonia, it is very doubtful whether the inhabitants could have understood him, or any one addressing them in Greek (see also Rendall, Acts, p. 263).

Acts 14:7. See critical notes for reading in .—κἀκεῖ; found in four other places in Acts, but not at all in Luke’s Gospel.—εὐαγγελ. ἦσαν: “they were engaged in preaching the Gospel,” Ramsay; on participle with ἦν or ἦσαν see Acts 1:10.

Acts 14:8. ἐν Λύστροις: here neuter plural, and not as in Acts 14:6; Acts 14:21; feminine. Clemen, p. 115, and Jüngst, p. 131, see a proof in this that 8–18, or 21a, was interpolated by a redactor. But Hilgenfeld points out that the same interchange of feminine singular and neuter plural recurs in Acts 16:1-2; cf. also 2 Timothy 3:11. The miracle which follows has often been compared with those narrated in Acts 3:1 ff., and it has been alleged that this second miracle is a mere imitation of the first, to keep up the parallel between Peter and Paul. But whilst there are, no doubt, features in common in the two narratives—no great matter for surprise in similar healings, where a similarity of expressions would fitly recur, especially in the literary usage of a medical writer (see Zöckler, p. 240)—the differences are also marked: e.g., in the Petrine miracle the man is a beggar, and asks only for alms; in the Pauline nothing is said of all this, even if the first fact is implied—in the Petrine miracle nothing is said of the man’s faith, although it is implied (see notes, in loco); here it is distinctly stated—in the earlier miracle Peter is represented as taking the man and raising him up; here nothing of the kind is mentioned (see further on the two miracles, and the different motive in their performance, Nösgen, Apostelgeschichte, p. 267). On St. Paul’s own claim to work miracles see 2 Corinthians 12:12, Romans 15:19, Galatians 3:5. If the latter passage occurs in an Epistle addressed amongst other Churches to Christians in Lystra, in accordance with the South Galatian theory, the assertion of miraculous powers is the more notable; see also McGiffert, Apostolic Age, p. 189.—ἀδύν. τοῖς π.: adjective only here in N.T. in this sense, cf. LXX, . Tob 2:10; Tob 5:9, ἀδύν. τοῖς ὀφθαλμοῖς. It is used frequently in a similar sense by medical writers, Hobart, p. 46.—ἐκάθητο; not “dwelt” Hebraistic; but simply “used to sit,” cf. Luke 18:35, John 9:8; probably in the forum, cf. Acts 14:11 (Blass).—ἐκ κοιλ. μητρὸς α.; “no mendicant pretender, but one whose history from infancy was well known”. See Ramsay on the “triple beat,” St. Paul, p. 115.

Acts 14:9. οὗτος; a genuine Lucan mark of connection, Friedrich, p. 10.—ἤκουε; “used to hear,” or “was listening to,” i.e., was an habitual hearer of Paul’s preaching, see critical notes on D. Ramsay, St, Paul, pp. 114, 116, regards the man as a proselyte, cf. additions in Bezan text, but for another view of the additions here and in Acts 14:10, Page, Classical Review, July, 1899.—ἀτεν., see above, Acts 1:10.—τοῦ σ., Burton, Moods and Tenses, p. 158.

Acts 14:10. ἀνάσ.… ὀρθός: verb, as elsewhere, Acts 9:34; Acts 9:40, but only here with ἐπὶ τοὺς π., hitherto they had been too weak to support him, ὀρθός signifying that he was entirely whole, cf. reading in D. On ὀρθός see Hobart, p. 46: it was frequently used by medical writers, so by Hippocrates and Galen, with ἵστημι; only elsewhere in N.T. in a figurative sense and in a quotation, Hebrews 11:13. The collocation is also found in classical Greek, and cf. 1Es 9:46 (see also Hatch and Redpath), but cf. also ἀνορθόω, Luke 13:13, and the combination in Galen of ὀρθόω and τὸ ἀδύνατον κῶλον.—ἥλλετο καὶ περιεπ., see also reading in D. If we read ἥλατο, note aorist and imperfect, he sprang up with a single bound, whilst the walking is a continuous action, or inceptive: “he began to walk”.

Acts 14:11. ἐπῆραν τὴν φ. αὐτῶν: aorist; lifted up their voices with a sudden outburst, and then went on to devise names for the two: ἐκάλουν, “were for calling,” imperfect; cf. Luke 1:54 (Rendall). The phrase here only found in Acts 2:14, Acts 22:22 and Luke 11:27; Friedrich, p. 29, cf. LXX, Jdg 9:7; phrase also found in classical Greek.—οἱ ὄχλοι: the common city mob; the crowd, who would speak in their own native tongue. The Apostles had evidently spoken in Greek, which the native Lycaonians would understand and speak, Church in the Roman Empire, p. 57. But in moments of excitement their native tongue would rise more naturally to their lips, and they would give expression to their old superstitious beliefs, see Church in the Roman Empire, p. 58, and Wendt (1888), p. 313.—Λυκαονιστὶ: specially mentioned not only on account of its naturalness here (see above) but also because, as St. Chrysostom noted, this mention of the fact would explain why Paul and Barnabas made no protest. Bethge’s objection that ὁμοιοπαθεῖς (Acts 14:15) shows that St. Paul understood the words of Acts 14:11 is no answer, because the preparations for the sacrifice, rather than the words of the people, enabled the Apostles to understand the bearings of the scene. On the speech of . see Conder, Palestine Explor. Fund, October, 1888.—Οἱ θεοὶ κ.τ.λ.: the knowledge of the story of Baucis and Philemon, according to which Jupiter and Mercury visited in human form the neighbouring district, Ovid, Met., viii. 611 ff., would render such words quite natural (cf. Fasti, v., 495, and Dio Chrys., Orat., xxxiii., p. 408). Baur, Zeller, and Overbeck, followed by Wendt, object that the people would not have thought of such high gods, but rather of magicians or demons, and the latter evidently thinks that St. Luke has coloured the narrative by introducing into it the form which in his opinion the adoration of the Apostles would assume; but the same narrative emphasises the fact that the miracle was a notable one, and we can scarcely limit the bounds of excitement on the part of a superstitious people who were wont to make their pilgrimages to the spot where Jupiter and Mercury conversed with men. At Malta a similar result follows from the miracle of Paul, and heathen mythology was full of narratives of the appearances of high gods, which were by no means strange to N.T. times (see Holtzmann’s note, Hand-Commentar, p. 378). Moreover, the people, rude as they were, might easily have seen that Paul and Barnabas were not altogether like the common magicians of the day. The main incident, McGiffert admits, was entirely natural under the circumstances, and is too striking and unique to have been invented, Apostolic Age, pp. 188, 189.

Acts 14:12. ἐκὰλουν, see above on Acts 14:11.—τὸν μὲν Β. Δία. τὸν δὲ Π. Ἑρμῆν. The relative estimate of the Lycaonians was strikingly in accordance with Oriental notions—Barnabas, the more silent and passive, is identified with Jupiter; and Paul, the more active, with Mercury. Ramsay, Church in the Roman Empire, p. 57; St. Paul, pp. 84, 85; McGiffert, Apostolic Age, p. 189. With the reason given for the identification of Paul with Mercury, cf. Iamblichus, De Myst. Ægypt., i., where Mercury is designated as Θεὸς ὁ τῶν λόγων ἡγεμών (see also Wetstein). The comparison could not have been because of the Apostle’s insignificant appearance (although the fact that he was the younger of the two men may be taken into account), since Hermes is always represented as of a graceful well-formed figure. On the traditional accounts of Paul’s personal appearances see Wendt (1888), in loco, Blass, Renan, and Plumptre, Acts (Excursus, pp. 191, 192). It is of interest to note that in Galatians 4:14 Paul writes to the Galatians: “Ye received me as a messenger of God,” Ramsay, St. Paul, p. 117.

Acts 14:13. ὁ δὲ ἱερεὺς. Plural in ; strongly rejected by Blass, with other details. Ramsay defends (p. 118), and points out that at each of the great temples in Asia Minor a college of priests would be in regular service: see also Church in the Roman Empire, pp. 52, 53.—τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ ὄντος πρὸ τῆς π. αὐτῶν, see critical notes. R.V., omitting αὐτῶν, renders “whose temple was before the city,” i.e., enshrined in the temple outside the gate as the protecting deity. Zöckler, with Ramsay, compares “Ζωῦς Προάστιος” on an inscription at Claudiopolis, cf. also παρὰ Διΐ (= ad fanum Jovis), παρʼ Ἥρῃ, and modern, the name of a church in Rome, “S. Paolo fuori le mura” (see also Holtzmann and Wendt). Here again the reading of [267] seems to bring out the technical force of the phrase more accurately, τοῦ ὄντος Δ. πρὸ πόλεως (so Blass in [268])—possibly = Προπόλεως (cf. an unpublished inscription of Smyrna with the phrase ἱέρεια πρὸ πόλεως or Προπόλεως). In this phrase, as read in , the force of the participle is retained in a way characteristic of Acts, as almost = τοῦ ὀνομαζομένου: see on Acts 13:1, a characteristic lost by the transposition of ὄντος; see on the whole question Ramsay, Church in the Roman Empire, p. 51 ff., and also on the possible site of the temple. The words cannot refer to the statue of Jupiter (so lately Rendall), to which no priests would be attached. See Blass in Studien u. Kritiken, 1900, p. 27, n. 1.—ταύρους καὶ στέμματα: brought by the ministri who would be included in the generic term priests. On the sacrifice of a bull to Jupiter, Ovid, Met., iv., 755, as also to Mercury, Persius, Sat., ii., 44. On the garlands to wreathe and adorn the victims, Æneid, v., 366; Eur., Heracl., 529, perhaps also for the priests and the altars, the doors, and the attendants; see instances in Wetstein, and cf. Tertullian, De Corona, x. The words do not refer to the Apostles; the aim seems to be indicated in ἤθελε θύειν.—ἐπὶ τοὺς πυλῶνας: some see a reference to the gates of the city, mainly because of the collocation τοῦ ὄντος πρὸ τῆς Π. Blass supposes that the priest came from the temple outside to the city gates, but in that case Ramsay urges that Lucan usage would = πύλη rather than πυλών, cf. Acts 9:24, Acts 16:13. Others take it of the gates of the temple in front of which the altar stood, cf. οἱ μὲν ἱεροὶ τοῦ νεὼ πυλῶνες, Plut., Tim., 12. Ramsay suggests that the priests probably prepared their sacrifices at the outer gateway of the temple grounds, as something beyond the usual ritual, and so not to be performed at one of the usual places, cf. ἐπιθύειν ; St. Paul, p. 119. Others again refer the words to the gates leading into the atrium or courtyard of the house in which the Apostles were lodging, partly on the ground that the word ἐξεπήδησαν is best referred to the house (cf. Jdt 14:17, and Susannah, Acts ver. 39). But the verb may mean that they ran hastily out of the city to the temple, and there mingled with the crowd: in 2Ma 3:18 the same verb is used of a general rush of the people to the temple for supplication to heaven.—ἤθελε θύειν: What was his motive? Was he acting in good faith, or out of complaisant regard to the wishes of the multitude (Ewald), or for the sake of gain? On the attitude of the native priests see Ramsay, Church in the Roman Empire, p. 144. In the present instance it would appear that they had known of the Apostles’ preaching for some time at all events, and also, it may be, of its success, cf. ., Acts 14:7, critical notes, and apparently they were willing to honour the Apostles with divine honours, and to turn the religious revival to their own ends.

[267] Codex Claromontanus (sæc. vi.), a Græco-Latin MS. at Paris, edited by Tischendorf in 1852.

[268] R(omana), in Blass, a first rough copy of St. Luke.

Acts 14:14. ἀκούσ.: how, we are not told; whether, as Blass supposes, they had returned to their lodgings, and hurried forth to the city gates when they heard what was going on, or whether, later in the day, they hurried from the city to the temple when they heard of the approaching sacrifice, we do not know, and a better knowledge of the localities would no doubt make many points clearer. The crowd who had seen the miracle, Acts 14:11, would naturally be eager to follow the priest to the sacrifice, σὺν τοῖς ὄχλοις, Acts 14:13.—διαῤῥήξαντες: in token of distress and horror, cf. Genesis 37:29; Genesis 37:34; Joshua 7:6; Matthew 26:65; frequently in LXX, and several times in 1 Macc.—εἰσεπήδησαν: Acts 16:29, see critical notes.

Acts 14:15. ἄνδρες: brief address in accordance with the hurry of the moment.—ὁμοιοπαθεῖς, Jam 5:17, “of like passions,” so R.V. in both passages, but ‘nature’ in margin, so Ramsay. But to others the latter word seems too general, and they explain it as meaning equally capable of passion or feeling, as opposed to the ἀπάθεια of the idols; or, equally prone to human weakness, and not all-powerful as the people seemed to infer from the miracle (Bethge); whilst others again take it as meaning ὁμοίως θνητός (so Blass). On its meaning in Wis 7:3 see Grimm, sub v., and Speaker’s Commentary. In 4Ma 12:13 it is also used to mark the atrocious nature of persecution inflicted by one who, a man himself, was not ashamed τοὺς ὁμοιοπαθεῖς γλωττοτομῆσαι: cf. its use in medical writers and in classical Greek (Wetstein); by the Fathers it was used of our Lord Himself, Euseb., H. E., i., 2, cf. Hebrews 4:15 (see Mayor on Jam 5:17).—εὐαγγελιζ.: we preach not ourselves—Paul was a “messenger of God” in a higher sense than the people conceived; on the construction see above p. 210 and Simcox, Language of the N. T., p. 79. For reading in [269] see critical note = bringing you glad tidings of “the God”—in Asia Minor a familiar term for the great God, so that just as St. Paul introduces the Christian God at Athens as “the Unknown God,” whom the Athenians had been worshipping, so here he may have used a familiar term known to the crowd around him at Lystra, Ramsay, St. Paul, p. 118.—ἐπιστρέφειν ἐπὶ, cf. especially 1 Thessalonians 1:9, in Acts 9:35; Acts 11:21; Acts 15:19; Acts 26:20; on the construction see Wendt, and Weiss, in loco, cf. Acts 4:18, Acts 5:28; Acts 5:40, infinitive after παραγγέλλειν.—τὸν ζῶντα, see critical note.—τούτων: may be used contemptuously, as if St. Paul pointed to the preparations for the sacrifice.—ματαίων, cf. Jeremiah 2:5; Jeremiah 10:3, of the gods of the nations and their worship, cf. also 2 Kings 17:15 , Jeremiah 8:19; cf. Romans 1:21, Ephesians 4:17. R.V. and A.V. take it as neuter, others as masculine, sc., Θεῶν.—ὃς ἐποίησε κ.τ.λ., cf. especially Jeremiah 10:11-15, l6, for the contrast between the gods who are no gods, and the God Who made the heavens, and cf. also Acts 17:24 for a similar appeal from the same Apostle. The “living” God manifests His life in creation—a manifestation to which St. Paul would naturally appeal before such an audience; even in writing to Christian converts of the deepest mysteries of the faith he does not forget that the God of Nature and the God of Redemption are one, cf. Ephesians 3:9, R.V.; so too St. Peter prefaces the first Christian hymn with the same words used here by the Apostle of the Gentiles, Acts 4:24. On the tact of St. Paul at Lystra and at Athens, laying the foundation of his teaching as a wise master-builder in the truths of natural religion, and leading his audience from them as stepping-stones to higher things, see notes on 17. That he did not even at Lystra confine his teaching or his appeal simply to Nature’s witness, see notes on Acts 14:22-23.

[269] Codex Claromontanus (sæc. vi.), a Græco-Latin MS. at Paris, edited by Tischendorf in 1852.

Acts 14:16-17. ὃς: God working not only in creation, but in history, not only the source of life but the personal living Guide and Ruler of man, even in His tolerance far removed from the easy indifference of the gods of Olympus. The three present participles ἀγαθ.… διδ.… ἐμπ.… mark the continuous activity and goodness of God, and are all three epexegetical of ἀμάρτυρον; whilst the second participle is generally regarded as specifying a mode of the first, and the third as expressing a consequence of the second.—οὐρανόθεν: only again in Acts 26:13 in N.T., see 4Ma 4:10; so in Hom. and Hes., old genitive of οὐρανός.—ὑετοὺς διδοὺς καὶ καιροὺς καρπ.: the Apostle’s appeal becomes more significant when we remember that Zeus was spoken of as ὑέτιος, ἐπικάρπιος (Bethge); the rain was regarded in the East as a special sign of divine favour, and here, as in the O.T., God’s goodness and power in this gift are asserted as against the impotence of the gods of the heathen, see especially Jeremiah 14:22, and cf. 1 Kings 18:1 and 1 Samuel 12:17 where this same phrase ὑετ. διδόναι is used of God.—καρπ.: here only in N.T., cf. LXX, Jeremiah 2:21, Psalm 106:34, and also classical; cf. for the whole passage Cicero, De Nat. Deorum, ii., 53.—ἐμπιπλῶν (ἐμπιπλάω), cf. Luke 1:53; Luke 6:25, Romans 15:24, John 6:12, frequent in LXX, e.g., Psalm 106:9, Isaiah 29:19, Jeremiah 38:14, Sir 4:12; see also below on εὐφροσ.—καρδίας: Blass compares Luke 21:34, where the heart is spoken of as overcharged with surfeiting, as here it is spoken of as filled with food. But the word may be used not merely as = ὑμᾶς, or in a merely material sense, but as including the idea of enjoyment, cf. LXX, Psalm 103:15; Winer-Moulton, Acts 23:1, and Alford on Jam 5:5.—εὐφροσύνης: in its ordinary Greek use might simply mean “good cheer,” although we need not limit it here with Grotius to wine as in Sir 31:28; very frequently used in LXX (only here and in Acts 2:28 in N.T.), sometimes of mere festive joy, Genesis 31:27, sometimes of religious gladness, Deuteronomy 28:47. Although St. Paul could not have used it here as it is employed in Acts 2:28, yet he might perhaps have used it as a kind of transition word to lead his hearers on to a deeper gladness of heart, a richer gift of God than corn and wine, cf. Psalm 4:7, and for the phrase ἐμπ. εὐφροσ. Isaiah 29:19, Sir 4:12. It may well be that whilst we have in this address the germ of the thoughts afterwards developed in Romans 1:18; Romans 1:23, etc., St. Paul did not press his argument on this occasion as in his Epistle, but took the first step to arrest the attention of his hearers by an appeal to the goodness, not to the severity, of God—the goodness which leadeth to repentance. It has been thought that the words οὐρ. ἡμῖν διδούς κ.τ.λ. are rhythmical, and may have been some familiar fragment of a song, or a citation from a Greek poet, in which the Apostle expressed his thoughts; others have maintained that they may have formed part of the hymn sung in the procession for the sacrifice, and that St. Paul made the words his text; see Humphry, in loco; Farrar, St. Paul, i., p. 384; Felten, in loco; but it may be fairly said that the O.T. language was in itself quite sufficient to suggest the Apostle’s words. On the remarkable parallels between this speech and the sayings of Pseudo-Heracleitus in his letters see Gore, Ephesians, p. 253 ff., but see also Bernays, Die Heraklitischen Briefe, p. 29.—πάντα τὰ ἔθνη: “all the Gentiles,” R.V., the words divided mankind into two classes, but there was the same Lord over all, Romans 3:29.—ἐν ταῖς παρῳχ. γενεαῖς: “in the generations gone by,” R.V. παρῳχ.: not in LXX or Apocrypha, but classical, and used also by Josephus.—εἴασε (cf. Acts 17:30, Romans 3:25-26) … πορεύ. ταῖς ὁδοῖς αὐτῶν, i.e., without summoning them as now to repent, cf. for the combination Acts 9:31, and for the expression 2 Corinthians 12:18, Judges 1:11, Jam 5:20 (in classical Greek cf. Thuc., iii., 64, ἄδικον ὁδὸν ἰέναι), cf. also the contrast between God’s ways and the wilfulness of Israel in the past, Psalm 81:13 and previous verses, expressed in the same phraseology.

Acts 14:17. καίτοιγε, see critical notes. If we read καίτοι the word is only found in the N.T. here and in Hebrews 4:3; used here as an adversative conjunction; see Simcox, Language of the N. T., p. 168, and further Blass, Gramm., pp. 242, 264; Viteau, Le Grec du N. T., p. 118 (1893); see 4Ma 2:6.—ἀμάρτυρον: not in LXX or Apocrypha; only here in N.T., but in classical Greek, and also in Josephus, see instances in Wetstein. This witness is not as at Athens, Acts 17:27, Romans 2:15, to man’s consciousness and conscience, but rather to God’s presence in nature, cf. for the expression LXX, Ps. 88:37, ὁ μάρτυς ἐν οὐρανῷ πιστός, and Pseudo-Heracleitus, letter iv., where the moon is spoken of as God’s οὐράνιος μαρτυρία; see below on Acts 14:17.—οὐκ ἀφῆκεν: non reliquit sed sivit (Blass).—ἀγαθοποιῶν, see critical notes. Neither ἀγαθουργέω nor ἀγαθοεργέω, 1 Timothy 6:18, occur in classical Greek or LXX. T.R. uses the more familiar word; found three times in Luke’s Gospel and elsewhere in N.T., and also a few times in LXX (in different senses), but not in classical Greek; see Plummer on Luke 6:33, and Hatch, Essays in B. G., p. 7.

Acts 14:18. μόλις: used only by Luke and Paul (with one exception of a quotation, 1 Peter 4:18), Luke 9:39, W.H[270]; four times in Acts, and Romans 5:7.—κατέπαυσαν τοῦ μὴ, Acts 10:47, Burton, N. T. Moods and Tenses, pp. 159, 184.

[270] Westcott and Hort’s The New Testament in Greek: Critical Text and Notes.

Acts 14:19. ἐπῆλθον δὲ: on readings to account for the interval see critical notes. Nothing in the narrative forbids some kind of interval, whilst nothing is said as to its duration.—Ἰουδαῖοι: a proof of their enmity in that they undertook a long journey of some one hundred and thirty miles.—πείσαντες τοὺς ὄ.: mobile vulgus. The change in their attitude need not surprise us, cf. the fickleness of the inhabitants of Malta, Acts 28:6, and, more notably still, the change of feeling in the multitudes who could cry Hosannah! and Crucify! The Scholiast, Homer, Il., iv., 89–92, has ἄπιστοι γὰρ Λυκάονες, ὡς καὶ Ἀριστοτέλης μαρτυρεῖ. These Jews may have received help from their fellow-countrymen, some few of whom were resident in Lystra, Acts 16:1, or possibly, as McGiffert suggests, it may have been easy to incite the populace against Paul and Barnabas, because of the Apostles’ rejection of the divine honours offered to them. But probably the persuasion implies that they influenced the multitudes to regard the miracle, the reality of which they could not dispute, as the work not of beneficent gods but of evil demons. The form of punishment, λιθάσαντες, would seem at all events to point to Jewish instigation, although the stoning took place not outside but inside the city, cf. 2 Corinthians 11:25, 2 Timothy 3:11, and Wendt (1888), p. 318, as against Zeller. In Galatians 6:17 the Apostle may allude to the scars marked on him by these same people (Ramsay, Zahn), cf. also Clem. Rom., Cor[271], Acts 14:6. λιθασθείς: “Uti Paulus prius lapidationi Stephani consenserat: ita nunc veterem culpam expiat, 2 Corinthians 11:25” (Wetstein). On the undesigned coincidence between this narrative and the notice in 2 Tim. cf. Paley, Horæ Paulinæ, xii., 5. Hilgenfeld refers this verse to his “author to Theophilus,” but the change in the multitude and the hatred of the Jews are not surprising, but perfectly natural.—ἔσυρον: perhaps as a last indignity, cf. Acts 8:3, Acts 17:6.—νομίσαντες: St. Luke’s words do not require us to infer that St. Paul was rendered lifeless, and we need not suppose that he was more than stunned. But at the same time the narrative undoubtedly leads us to recognise in St. Paul’s speedy recovery from such an outrage, and his ability to resume his journey, the good hand of God upon him. We may again notice St. Luke’s reserve in dwelling on the Apostle’s sufferings, and his carefulness in refraining from magnifying the incident.

[271] Corinth, Corinthian or Corinthians.

Acts 14:20. κυκλ.: Bengel says “tanquam sepeliendum,” and others have held the same view, but the word need not imply more than that the disciples surrounded him, to help if human aid could profit, and to lament for him in his sufferings. Amongst the mourners the youthful Timothy may well have found a place. On Timothy’s means of knowing of the Apostle’s sufferings here narrated see Paley, Horæ Paulinæ, u. s.—μαθητῶν: the Apostles’ work had not therefore been unsuccessful: there were converts willing to brave persecution, and to avow themselves as disciples.—τῇ ἐπαύριον: the journey to Derbe was one of some hours, not free from risk, and the mention of Paul’s undertaking and finishing it on the morrow indicates how wonderfully he had been strengthened in his recovery. The word is found ten times in Acts, and not at all in Luke’s Gospel, but cf. αὔριον Luke 10:35, Acts 4:5 only; Hawkins’ Horœ Syn., p. 144. It occurs three times in chap. 10, no less than in the second half of the book.—σὺν τῷ Β.: apparently he had been free from attack, since Paul was the chief speaker, and consequently provoked hostility.

Acts 14:21. ωὐαγγελ.: continuous preaching, present participle, and the result, many disciples; not “having taught many,” A.V., but “had made many disciples,” R.V., cf. Matthew 28:19. No doubt they pursued the same course as at Lystra, and again we have direct proof that the teaching of the Gospel was not in vain: it is therefore quite unwarrantable to suppose that Paul’s speech at Lystra indicates the powerlessness of the message of the Gospel in contact with deep-rooted heathenism (Bethge); in Acts 14:22-23 we have abundant proof that Paul had not limited his first preaching in Lystra to truths of natural religion, for now on his return the disciples are bidden ἐμμένειν τῇ πίστει, and they are commended to the Lord, εἰς ὃν πεπιστεύκεισαν, “on whom they had believed”. No persecution is mentioned at Lystra, with which cf. 2 Timothy 3:11.—ὑπέστρεψαν: how they were able to do this after they had been recently expelled, cf. Ramsay, Church in the Roman Empire, p. 70 ff., and McGiffert, Apostolic Age, pp. 190, 191—no permanent disability could be inflicted on them by the magistrates, and the person expelled might return after a little, especially if new magistrates had been appointed in the interim. Moreover, on their return journey the Apostles may have refrained from open and public preaching, and devoted themselves rather to the organisation of the Christian communities. (There is therefore no ground for Hilgenfeld’s and Wendt’s reference of Acts 14:19 to a different source from the verse before us.) At the same time the courage of the Apostle is also noteworthy: “neque enim securum petit, ubi instar emeriti militis otio fruatur, sed etiam repetit loca, in quibus paullo ante male tractatus fuerat,” Calvin.

Acts 14:22. ἐπιστηρίζοντες: only in Acts, cf. Acts 15:32; Acts 15:41; for the simple verb see Acts 18:23 (W.H[272], R.V.), and Luke 22:32, and six times in St. Paul’s Epistles, frequent in LXX, but not in any similar sense, although for the simple verb cf. Psalm 51:12 (Psalm 50:12—ἐμμένειν, Galatians 3:10, Hebrews 8:9, two quotations: in the former, with the simple dative; in the latter, with ἐν; several times in LXX, and with both constructions, cf. Xen., Mem., iv., 4.—τῇ πίστει: subjective or objective, as a feeling of trust, or a belief, a creed? That it was used in the latter sense by St. Paul we cannot doubt, in such passages as Colossians 1:23, 1 Timothy 5:8 (cf. 1 Peter 5:9, Judges 1:3; Judges 1:20), and St. Luke may have used the word in this latter sense in recording the incident. But cf. also Acts 6:7, Acts 13:8, where the word may be used, as perhaps here, in a kind of intermediate stage.—ὅτι, cf. Acts 11:3, Acts 15:1, we have the language of the preachers themselves, but it is precarious to conclude that ἡμᾶς includes the presence of the author of the book, St. Luke himself. The ἡμᾶς may simply mean that the speakers thus associated themselves with their hearers, and drew a general lesson similar to that drawn by St. Paul in 2 Timothy 3:12, as he looked back upon these same sufferings at the close of his life. The teaching thus expressed may have struck deep root in the heart of one of St. Paul’s hearers—why not Timothy?—and have been repeated by him to St. Luke as the Apostle had uttered it; see further in its bearing on the date, Ramsay, St. Paul, p. 123. Alford’s note strongly maintains that Luke himself was present, see in loco and also Proleg., pp. 6, 7. On the possibility that the words contain an Agraphon of the Lord see Resch, Agrapha, pp. 148, 278, and cf. Epist. Barn., vii., 11.—θλίψεων, cf. Acts 20:23, quite a Pauline word, not used by Luke at all in his Gospel (five times in Acts), cf. 1 Thessalonians 3:3; 1 Thessalonians 2:12, and Epist. Barn., u. s. On St. Paul’s reference to “the kingdom of God,” sometimes as future, sometimes as actually present, see Witness of the Epistles, p. 311, note (1892).

[272] Westcott and Hort’s The New Testament in Greek: Critical Text and Notes.

Acts 14:23. χειροτονήσαντες δὲ αὐτοῖς πρεσβ., see above, Acts 10:41, where the compound verb is used, “chosen of God,” ὑπὸ Θ. The simple verb is only used here and in 2 Corinthians 8:19 : lit[273], to elect by popular vote, by show of hands, but it is by no means a word of certain meaning, and came to be used, as Ramsay admits, in the sense of appointing or designating. Here evidently the word is not used in the literal sense given above, as Paul and Barnabas appoint, and that the idea of popular election did not necessarily belong to the word, at least in later Greek, is evident from Josephus, Ant., vi., 13, 9, τὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ Θεοῦ κεχειροτονημένον βασιλέα: cf. Acts 13:2; Acts 13:2, of the appointment of Jonathan as high priest by Alexander. On the later use of the word, of which there is no early trace, as referring to the stretching out of the bishop’s hands in the laying on of hands, cf. “Ordination” (Hatch, Dict. of Chr. Ant., ii., p. 1501 ff.). Blass takes the word here as = καθιστάναι, and compares Titus 1:5, although he thinks that nothing is said here about the mode of election, and that the Church may have had some share in it. So too Ramsay compares the same passage, Titus 1:5, and concludes that St. Paul doubtless followed there the same method which he followed here, a method in which the votes and voices of each congregation were considered, cf. 2 Corinthians 8:19. But the office to which Luke was appointed in 2 Cor., l. c., was not an office which involved ordination, and we could not argue from it alone to the method of the appointment of elders in the passage before us. At the same time it may be fully admitted that the Church was not without some share in the election of the elders, and it must not be forgotten that, in the case of the Seven, the Church had elected, and the Apostles had ordained, Acts 6:3. In Clem. Rom., Cor[274], xliv, whilst the Apostles took care to secure that after their death distinguished men should appoint presbyters and deacons, yet the latter were elected with the consent of the whole Church, and they were exposed, as it were, to the judgment of the Church (see on this voice of the Church, Moberly, Ministerial Priesthood, p. 89, and Gore, Church and the Ministry, p. 100 ff.). If we compare the language of Acts 6:3, Titus 1:5, Clem. Rom., Cor[275], xlii. 4, xliv. 2, 3, and the use of the verb καθίστημι in each, it would seem that the κατάστασις was throughout reserved to the Apostles or their representatives, whilst the Church, if not always selecting, may at least be regarded as consenting, συνευδοκησάσης τῆς ἐκκλησίας πάσης, Clem. Rom., u. s., xliv. 3; see “Bishop” (Haddan), Dict. of Chr. Ant., i., p. 213. But, further, in the passage before us it is not impossible that the choice as well as the ordination of the presbyters may be referred to Paul and Barnabas, cf. the pronoun αὐτοῖς: “having appointed for them,” and in newly founded communities it was not unnatural that the Apostles should exercise such choice and authority. On the use of the verb in the Didaché, xv., 1, and its compatibility with ordination in accordance with Apostolic practice and injunction, see Gore, Church and the Ministry, p. 281; and further. Church Quarterly Review, 42, p. 265 ff., on the strictures passed by Loening, Die Gemeindeverfassung, 61, 62.—κατʼ ἐκκλησίαν, “in every Church,” distributive, Acts 2:46, Acts 5:42, cf. Titus 1:5, Clem. Rom., Cor[276], lxii., 4. On the spread of Christianity in Asia Minor see additional note at end of chapter.—προσευξ. μετὰ νησ.: Ramsay, St. Paul, p. 122, speaks of the solemn prayer and fasting which accompanied the appointment of the elders, and of this meeting and rite of fasting, as the form permanently observed, cf. Acts 13:1-3. The two participles χειροτ. and προσευξ. evidently refer to the appointment, and not to the subsequent commendation. See also Harnack, Proleg. to Didaché, p. 148; and on the other hand, Overbeck, Wendt, Weiss, Zöckler.—παρέθεντο, Acts 20:32, cf. Luke 12:48; Luke 23:46, 1 Peter 4:19, cf. 1 Timothy 1:18, 2 Timothy 2:2 (in no parallel sense in the other Evangelists). In the first three passages above used as here of solemn committal to God; also of giving into another’s charge or keeping, cf. παραθήκη, 1 Timothy 6:20, 2 Timothy 1:12; 2 Timothy 1:14. In classical Greek of money or property entrusted to one’s care. In Tob 10:12 (cf. Acts 1:14, Acts 4:1; Acts 4:20) both verb and noun are found together, παρατίθεμαί σοι τὴν θυγατέρα μον ἐν παραθήκῃ (see Hatch and Redpath).—αὐτοὺς may refer to the believers in general, cf. Hort, Ecclesia, p. 66.—τῷ Κ., i.e., Christ, as the πιστεύω indicates: the phrase πιστ. εἰς, or ἐπί τινα, is peculiarly Christian, cf. Lightfoot on Galatians 2:16.

[273] literal, literally.

[274] Corinth, Corinthian or Corinthians.

[275] Corinth, Corinthian or Corinthians.

[276] Corinth, Corinthian or Corinthians.

Acts 14:24. διελ. τὴν Π. “having made a missionary journey through Pisidia,” see above on Acts 13:6. Here it seems clearly implied that Pisidian Antioch was not in Pisidia, see above on Acts 13:14, and Ramsay, St. Paul, p. 124.

Acts 14:25. καὶ λ. ἐν Πέργῃ τὸν λόγον: in the beginning of their journey they probably made a slight stay at Perga, but without preaching there—possibly for the reason mentioned above which prompted them to hurry on to Antioch, and possibly because, as C. and H. (so Felten) think, the inhabitants at the time of the Apostles’ first visit were all leaving Perga for the cool mountain districts, their summer retreats, whereas on the return journey of the missionaries Perga would again be full (C. and H., pp. 131, 158, smaller edition).—ἐν Π., see critical notes.—κατέβησαν, went down, i.e., to the sea coast where Attalia lay, cf. Acts 16:8 (Acts 13:4), Jonah 1:3, so in classical Greek ἀναβαίνω, to go up from the coast.—Ἀττάλειαν: mentioned because it was the harbour of embarkation, and so called from Attalus II. Philadelphus, king of Pergamus, its builder, B.C. 159–138; is a port for the trade of Egypt and Syria, Strabo, xiv., 4. It bears the modern name of Adalia, and until quite recent days it was the chief harbour of the south coast of Asia Minor. See B.D.2, and Hastings’ B.D., “Attalia” (Ramsay). The distance from Perga was about sixteen miles, and the travellers would reach it across the plain: formerly they had gone up the Cestrus to Perga, and probably they now go to Attalia to find a ship for Antioch. See Hackett, in loco, and C. and H.

Acts 14:26. κἀκεῖθεν, cf. Acts 7:3, and Luke 11:53, in six other places in Acts in a local sense as here, only once elsewhere in N.T., in Mark 9:30, in same sense; see also Acts 13:21.—ᾖσαν παραδεδομ.: “they had been committed,” R.V., in Acts 15:40 “commended”; in both passages A.V. “recommended,” a rendering which has changed its meaning; only in these two passages in this sense, but cf. 1 Peter 2:23 (John 19:30).—ὃ ἐπλήρωσαν, cf. Acts 12:25, Acts 13:25, still, as hitherto, St. Paul found the χάρις of God “sufficient”.

Acts 14:27. συν. τὴν ἐκκλ., cf. Acts 15:30, as was natural, for they had been sent out by them.—ἀνήγγειλαν: Acts 15:4 (Acts 20:20; Acts 20:27), lit[277], to carry back tidings (so in classical Greek, as from a less to a greater), cf. 2 Corinthians 7:7; used here as in Æschylus, Xen., Polyb., of messengers reporting what they had seen or heard (Grimm). Blass takes it as simply = ἀπαγγέλλω as in LXX and later Greek.—ὅσα: “how many (or ‘how great’) things”.—μετʼ αὐτῶν, i.e., on their behalf; cf. Acts 15:4, Luke 1:58; Luke 1:72; Luke 10:37, cf. 1 Samuel 12:24, Psalm 126:2-3, Hebrew עָשָׂה עִם, Psalm 119:65, and cannot = per ipsos, which would require διά—the phrase may therefore be described as a Hebraism; it occurs only in Luke; Friedrich, p. 33.—ὅτι ἤνοιξε … θύραν: a striking coincidence with St. Paul’s use of the same metaphor elsewhere, cf. 1 Corinthians 16:9, 2 Corinthians 2:12, Colossians 4:3, and cf. Revelation 3:8. St. Paul’s Galatian Epistle clearly shows that his missionary work in Galatia had met with much success, and that the Churches now founded held a large place in his affections, cf. Galatians 4:14-15. Enough had been accomplished, even if all his desires were still unfulfilled, to make him eager for a continuation of the work to which he had been called as an Apostle of the Gentiles, see McGiffert, Apostolic Age, pp. 191, 192; Hort, Ecclesia, p. 66: “perhaps the greatest epoch in the history of the Ecclesia at large”: Spitta refers the whole verse to his Redactor, p. 171.

[277] literal, literally.

Acts 14:28. χρόνον οὐκ ὀλίγον: only in Acts, where it occurs eight times, cf. Acts 12:18, etc.; on the length of time thus spent see “Chronology of the N.T.,” Hastings’ B.D., and also Ramsay, Church in the Roman Empire, p. 74, with which cf. Lewin, Fasti Sacri, p. 288.

Additional Note.—In chapters 13 and 14 many critics find the commencement of a new source, a belief based to a great extent upon the view that Barnabas and Saul are here introduced as if they had not been previously mentioned. But whilst some description is given of each of the remaining persons in the list (Acts 13:1), nothing is added to the name of Barnabas or of Saul, so that it seems quite permissible to argue that these two are thus simply mentioned by name because they were already known. It is therefore not surprising to find that some writers, e.g., Hilgenfeld, regard these chapters as part of a previous source, so too Wendt, Spitta, Jüngst. Others see in these chapters a separate document, possibly not used again by the author of Acts; a document composed by a different hand from that to which we owe the “We” sections, and incorporated by the author of the whole book into his work (McGiffert). Others again see in these same chapters the commencement of a Travel-Document, containing not only these two chapters, but also the later journeys of St. Paul, coming to us from the same hand as the “We” sections, and from the same hand as the rest of the book (Ramsay). It is disappointing to find how Clemen, while referring 13, 14 to his good source, Historia Pauli, goes even further than Spitta in breaking up the different parts of the narrative: e.g., Acts 14:8-11, we owe to the Redactor Judaicus, and Acts 14:19-20; Acts 14:22 b, 23 in the same chapter to the Redactor Anti-Judaicus. (See on the whole question Hilgenfeld, Zeitschrift für wissenschaft. Theol., 1e Heft, 1896; Wendt (1899), p. 225, note; Zöckler, Apostelgeschichte, pp. 243, 244 (second edition).) It is no wonder in face of the unsatisfactory attempts to break up these chapters, or to separate their authorship from that of the rest of the book, that Zahn should maintain that a man like Luke needed for the composition of chapters 13–28 no other source than his recollections of the narratives recited by St. Paul himself, or of the events in which he, as St. Paul’s companion, had participated, Didache 1 N. T., ii., 412 (1899), cf. Nösgen, Apostelgeschichte, pp. 25, 26. Certainly the unity of authorship between the two chapters under consideration and the rest of the book seems most clearly marked in language and style: e.g., κατασείειν, Acts 13:6, only found elsewhere in N.T., Acts 12:17; Acts 19:33; Acts 21:40; ἐπαίρειν τὴν φωνήν, Acts 14:11, only elsewhere in N.T., Luke 11:27, Acts 2:14; Acts 22:22; παραχρῆμα, Acts 13:11, elsewhere in N.T., ten times in Luke’s Gospel (only twice in St. Matthew, and not at all in the other Evangelists), Acts 3:7; Acts 5:10; Acts 12:23; Acts 12:16 :(26), 33; ἧ, with participle, Acts 13:48, Acts 14:7; Acts 14:12; Acts 14:26; δή Acts 13:2; ἄχρι, Acts 13:6; Acts 13:11; ἱκανός with χρόνος, Acts 14:3, elsewhere in N.T. in Luke only, and eight times in Acts in all parts; ἀτενίζειν in Acts 13:9 and Acts 14:9 and the frequent recurrence of τέ in both chapters. It is also perhaps worthy of observation that out of some twenty-one words and phrases found only in the “We” sections, and in the rest of Acts (Hawkins, Horæ Synopticæ, p. 151), six occur in these two chapters, and two of them twice: ἀποπλέω, Acts 13:4, Acts 14:26; διατρίβω with accusative of time, Acts 14:3; ἔξειμι, Acts 13:42; ἡμέραι πλείους, Acts 13:31; προσκέ κλημαι with accusative, Acts 13:2; Acts 13:7; ὑπονοέω, Acts 13:25. On the position of these two chapters relatively to chap. 15 see below.

Additional note on Acts 14:23.—On the rapid spread of Christianity in Asia Minor see Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, i., pp. 87, 94, 95, 135–137, and Church in the Roman Empire, pp. 161, 397. The old nature religion with its negation of moral distinctions and family ties was doomed, a religion which on the one hand made woman the head of the family, and on the other hand compelled her to a so-called sacred service which involved the surrender of all which in a civilised community womanhood held most dear. The strength of the old ritual, however, was so great that it seems to have been maintained in Phrygia even after a higher type of society became known in the Roman period. But with the growth of Roman organisation and educational influences the minds of men were at least prepared for new ideas, and at this juncture St. Paul came preaching a gospel of home life, of Christian purity; and wherever higher social ideas had already penetrated he found converts disposed to follow his teaching as “a more excellent way”. In connection with the wide spread of Christianity in Asia Minor see also Orr, Some Neglected Factors in the Study of the Early Progress of Christianity, p. 48 ff. (1899).